What We Periodically Relearn About Rent Control
What We Periodically Relearn About Rent Control
Plus! Backstops; Complements and Substitutes; Personality Hire; Commoditization; IPOs
27th July 2026
Byrne Hobart
Contents
In this issue:<br>What We Periodically Relearn About Rent Control—The problem rent control aims to solve is just not amenable to little tweaks: people need housing long before they've saved enough money to buy a home for cash, so they're going to use some mix of borrowing to buy a house or paying to live in one somebody else owns. The payoff from bad policy shows up on a lag, which makes it easy to argue about and hard to fix.<br>Backstops—Cash is being rapidly redistributed to hardware companies, who are redistributing it right back.<br>Complements and Substitutes—Uber and Waymo are natural allies as a business, since one of them provides fixed supply and the other one can be more responsive. But when they talk to regulators, they're natural enemies.<br>Personality Hire—A very cyberpunk retelling of the classic story where a company ruled by programmers finally hires someone less technical to talk to customers.<br>Commoditization—Nvidia wants to support the labs that aren't #1, but could be.<br>IPOs—You can't direct an effectively unlimited supply of funds through the narrow aperture of an underdeveloped capital market and expect boring results.
The Diff July 27th 2026<br>0:00/1089.645714<br>1×
Talk to this post on Read.Haus.<br>What We Periodically Relearn About Rent Control
When I talk about policies, I like to focus on second-order effects. That's a lot of syllables, so if you're in a hurry, just say "effects," because most of the impact of a law like this is not its upfront redistributive impact—tenants pay a little less, landlords earn a little less—but on how labor and capital get reallocated in response. Rent control:
Lowers the return on owning residential real estate.
Raises the uncertainty of that return; once there's some rent control, it's easier to extend it to other units, or to adjust its parameters. And since it disincentivizes maintenance—the landlord doesn't capture the upside any more—it leads to later regulations, which may or may not match what tenants were willing to pay for.
It also means that a portfolio of properties in a given city is less diversified than it used to be, because there's a common factor for returns. Someone who owns an apartment building in a city is making a bet on that city's macroeconomy, but they're also making a smaller bet on which neighborhoods will become or remain trendy. Property owners can diversify that risk by owning buildings in different places, but if there's a common factor that affects returns citywide, they miss that.
Which doesn't mean you can't do it. Environmental regulations have a similar effect on the chemical industry, adding a new core competency they need to be good at and making their results more correlated because they're sensitive to changes in laws, which adds up to a higher cost of capital and a lower supply of chemicals. Non-carcinogenic drinking water is a pretty good trade for that.
The existence of market rent is not that kind of externality, though. Rent is a price signal about the opportunity cost of living in one place rather than somewhere else; it's a way to tell you that if you insist on taking up some of the very finite stock of housing supply that's within walking distance of, say, OpenAI's headquarters, then you'd better get busy doing something valuable enough that you're the high bidder for that real estate. And, by the same token, that if you don't have some very short list of places where you can do whatever it is that you want to do, you can optimize your real estate spending more for cost and local amenities rather than optimizing for location and then somehow solving for cost.
There is a potential negative externality here: many of the things that make cities interesting places to live aren't all that lucrative. The existence of trendy, expensive brunch places implies (for now) the need for people to bus the tables, and it's also a bit perverse that the cities with creative scenes are also the cities where you can earn the median American household income and still pretty much qualify as a starving artist. This tends to make expensive cities a bit spikier, bland in some ways but incredibly interesting if you happen to care about whatever industry drives up those rents. One reason you overhear so much about GPUs and RSUs and the like in SF is that many of the people who work in the city and don't have those interests do have long commutes, so there are fewer hours in the day where they're ambient.
In theory, a partially rent-controlled city can solve for this: maybe the bankers and lawyers and traders in New York pay a little more rent, and the novelists and indie rockers pay a little less. But in practice, it's incredibly hard to target these people with low rent. San Francisco has a live/work building...